Virtual Sambor Prei Kuk, Cambodia

Daniel Michon, Ph.D.

1. Modeling the Tangible Heritage of the Central Group

2. Modeling the Intangible Heritage at the Central Group

2.1 Śaivite Rituals of Shrine C1 and the Inner Courtyard

2.1.1 Worship of the Liṅga in Shrine C1

2.1.2 Worship of Ancillary Forms of Śiva

2.1.3 Maṇḍala Initiation

3.2 Brahmanical Rituals in the Outer Courtyard

2.2.1 Brahmanical fire-sacrifices

2.2.2 Ritual bathing

2.3 Activities Outside the Sacred Enclosure: The Market

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1. Modeling the Tangible Heritage of the Central Group

We chose to model only the central group as it was the most simple. The center is occupied by a central sanctuary (C₁ ),

. . . the cella is large (8.35 x 5.5 m), the walls are divided into panels by pilasters with neither bases nor capitals,[1] and which seem to support the ceiling inserted into a semi-circular hollow created into the whole of the circumference at the top of the walls. Externally the sanctuary rests on a moulded base, interrupted on the four sides by a flight of steps, the string walls of which were decorated with lions.[2]

The two lions, indicating the royal nature of the temple, have inspired the most popular name of the temple: the Prasat Tao , "Lion Temple." A causeway leads from the central shrine C₁ to the inner wall gopura , or entrance gateway, straight to the outer wall gopura . On either side of the causeway in the inner courtyard, there may have been two smaller structures used as ancillary shrines.[3] On either side of the causeway in the outer courtyard are two pools most likely used for decorative landscaping. In the far northeast corner of the outer courtyard is another pool with steps leading down to it; this pool was most likely used for ritual bathing before performing rituals. Beyond the outermost wall we have chosen to create a market (see site plan below).[4]

2. Modeling the Intangible Heritage

The accuracy of the modeling of the physical environment, that is the tangible heritage, of the central group is quite secure. As noted above, there is plenty of evidence from archaeological remains, and any gaps in that knowledge can be filled with confidence by comparing the central group to the northern and southern groups as well as to other contemporary temple complexes within the greater Sambor region. However, modeling the intangible heritage, that is the actions of the inhabitants, is much more speculative. There is very little evidence concerning the type of daily rituals from contemporary Sambor Prei Kuk, therefore, we had to turn to two other sources: (1) inscriptional evidence from 9^th -11^th c. ce Cambodia, and (2) contemporary Śaivite texts which originated in India in the early medieval period, that is the fourth-ninth century ce , but are extant most often as palm-leaf manuscripts from late medieval, that is tenth-thirteenth century ce , Nepal. In the case of (1) we have the same geographical region but a significant temporal gap, and in the case of (2) we have a similar temporal frame but a significant geographical displacement.

The spatial configuration of the sacred area of the central group at Sambor Prei Kuk suggests the very division of religious ritual that was key to Śaivism’s success. That is, Śaivism maintained a hierarchy of religious ritual that is mirrored in the physical division of the site. [5] The inner courtyard would serve Śaivism at the most élite level. It is here that the royal chaplain (the rājapurohitā ), on behalf of the king and his court, would perform rituals that would benefit the king personally, but also his household, lineage, and ultimately his whole kingdom. The most powerful ritual, the worship of the Liṅga alone, would have been centered on the Liṅga in shrine C₁ . [6] Outside shrine C₁ , but still within the inner courtyard, ancillary forms of Śiva would be worshiped in the two small shrines located to the east. These practices would evoke the broader mythological resonances of Śaivism rather than the specific individual and royal concerns addressed at shrine C₁ . Further, we have chosen to place a particular Śaivite initiation ceremony, the maṇḍala initiation, within the inner courtyard as well. This ceremony would only be for those in the inner circle of Śaivites and would not be on public display, but we chose to include it in the inner courtyard to give visitors an idea of how it might look.

The outer courtyard would serve the "lower" levels of ritual and worship. We chose to model two brahmanical forms of ritual. The first is the fire sacrifice, in Sanskrit yajña or homa . Here, brahmins would perform more mundane rituals for the health, wealth, and fortune of the common people with full sanction from the ruling class. The second ritual is that of bathing to establish purity. Finally, outside the ritual enclosure altogether there is the non-sacred, profane market.

2.1. Śaivite Rituals in Shrine C₁ and the Inner Courtyard

2.1.1. Worship of the Liṅga in Shrine C₁

There is no clear evidence concerning the details of the ritual performed in the central sanctuary. There is no doubt, however, that a Śiva Liṅga atop a pedestal was installed at the center of shrine C₁ .[7] The size of the shrine suggests that any rituals done here would be private, as perhaps ten to fifteen people could fit into the shrine itself at one time, and the circumambulation of the liṅga would be difficult with even this many bodies present. But, again, there are no inscriptions or documents describing the rituals that were performed there. Therefore, in reconstructing the intangible heritage of the site we have to use imperfect evidence.

To help us determine what the ritual in shrine C₁ might look like we do have an inscription, K. 834, discovered in 1935 in the town of Tuol Ta Pec in the modern province of Kompong Thom, dated to the reign of Suryavarman I (r. 1002-1050 ce ) which helps us a bit. The inscription, which at 238 lines is quite long, covers the four faces of a square stele found in a complex of three shrines enclosed by a wall. Now, while it is true that this inscription is more than three centuries removed from Īśānavarman’s reign at Sambor Prei Kuk, it does go to great lengths, through and elaborate genealogy,[8] to link Suryavarman I all the way back to Jayavarman II (r. 802-835), who founded the Angkor Kingdom after liberating Cambodia from the foreign rule of Java. While this does not link us directly back to Īśānavarman’s time, it does provide a link closer to his rule in the 7^th c. ce . The inscription records that Suryavarman I was "a meditator on the three-eyed [god, i.e. Śiva], skilled in the sixfold rite."[9] This "sixfold rite" is detailed in a much earlier Śaivite text, the Śivadharmottara ,[10] as the manner in which one should worship the liṅga. Alexis Sanderson summarizes vv. 78-87b of the Śivadharmottara as follows:

The rite with six factors is explained . . . as worship of the Liṅga with six products of the cow, or in the case of two of them, substances said to derive from them. The six are (1) dung [which produces, that is serves as fertilizer for, the offerings of wood-apple leaves, red lotuses, and blue lotuses], (2) gorocanā (a bright yellow orpiment prepared from the bile of the cow), (3) urine [which produces bdellium resin used for incense], (4) milk, (5) curds and (6) ghee . . . One should have the liṅga bathed with ghee, milk, and curds, then with hot water. Then it should be rubbed down with astringent juices and washed with cold water. Then the worshipper should touch the liṅga with yellow orpiment, make offerings to it of leaves of the wood-apple tree, red lotuses, and blue lotuses, burn bdellium incense mixed with ghee, make a food offering of a sugared porridge and rice milk, curd, boiled rice, ghee flooded with honey, and groats friend in ghee. He should then circumambulate the Liṅga in a the clockwise direction, prostrate, and seek the deity’s pardon.[11]

Therefore, fully aware of the pitfalls of applying an 11^th c. inscription to a 7^th c. temple complex, fully aware of the pitfalls of applying the Śivadharmottara , a text used primarily in India and Nepal, to Cambodia, we chose to model this ritual in shrine C₁ .[12]

2.1.2. Worship of Ancillary Forms of Śiva

To the east of Shrine C₁ we have modeled two smaller shrines. As we have no surviving structures but only archaeological evidence for their foundations, we were more conservative in our modeling here. Using both inscriptional and sculptural evidence from both the northern and southern groups, we can confidently posit that they contained ancillary forms of Śiva. Perhaps, like the southern group described above, they contained images of Harihara or Ardhanārīśvara. However, we just do not know. Therefore, we chose not to recreate the interior of these shrines. The visitor can see the outside of the shrines and witness devotees at the entrances, but the visitor cannot enter them.

2.1.3. Maṇḍala Initiation

Finally, in the inner courtyard we have also modeled the ritual of a maṇḍala initiation (dīkṣā ). This would be a ceremony only for those who wished to enter the highest levels of Śaivite initiation, and therefore it would be performed by very few. These initiations are detailed in those Śaivite texts now available almost exlusively in Nepal. The best evidence for the types of texts the Khmers may have consulted comes from an inscription located to the west of Īśānapura and a few centuries after reign of Īśānavarman. There is a mid-11^th c. ce inscription from Sdok Kak Thom, a city on the border between modern Thailand and Cambodia about 180 km from Sambor Prei Kuk, which describes rituals performed in the early 9^th century ce for the installation of the new king Jayavarman II (r. 802-835), it reads:

Then a brahmin called Hiraṇyadāma, who was learned in the Mantras that bestow Siddhi, came from Janapada. The Venerable Parameśvara [the late Jayavarman II] requested him to perform a ritual in order that his land of Kambuja (Kambujadeśa) should not continue to be a dependency of Javā and so that only one king should be universal ruler [in this region]. That brahmin performed the ritual [for those ends] following the venerable Vināśikha and established Kamrateṅ jagat ta Rāja (=Devarāja). The brahmin [then] taught the Vināśikha , the Nayottara , the Saṃmoha and the Śiraścheda . He recited them from beginning to end so that they could be written down, and taught them to Steṅ añ Śivakaivalya.

The four texts mentioned in the inscription all come from the Vāmaśaiva cult of Tumburu (a form of Śiva) and his four sisters (godesses), but only one of the four texts is extant, the Vīṇāśikhatantra (VŚT). There is a single Nepali palm leaf manuscripts of the VŚT, edited and translated by Teun Goudriaan,[13] dated to the mid-12^th c. ce , but the origin of such a text is much earlier, perhaps as early as the fourth or fifth c. ce . It should also be noted that the VŚT would only be used as a general outline for the rituals performed. The actual rituals would be detailed in Paddhatis, or manuals of practical observation.[14] However, we have no extant Paddhatis from the pre-Angkor period, nor the Angkor period for that matter, so we had to do the best we could with what we had.

According to the VŚT, the sacrificial initiation ceremony described in vv. 12-50 is "the essence of the Tantra [Śaiva] Tradition . . . [the guru] should execute the acceptance (initiation) of pupils in the cadre of a sacrificial ceremony; in no other method should he make the Tantra known to them, nor will he obtain success [by another method]." Thus, we chose to model this opening initiation ritual. After explaining how to choose the correct time and place for the ritual, the text reads:[15]

vv. 25-32

The preceptor [the rājapurohita perhaps] . . . should design a maṇḍala on the site [mentioned] first, on even ground, solitary and free from harmful objects, with wise reflection and in exact accord with the rules; the maṇḍala is [square, with a size of] four ells or one ell,[16] provided with four gates. He should design the maṇḍala beautifully, in a splendid way, with rice powder; within it he should create a lotus of four petals and a pericarp. The petals of the lotus should be white, red like blood, yellow and black in colour. He should design them according to the rules, beginning in the East, and ending in the [site of the] Lord of the North . . . He should meditate on the Lord [Tumburu, a form of Śiva] in four colours as residing within the pericarp. Then he should locate Jayā [one of Śiva's goddess attendants], white, on the eastern petal by means of her particular bīja [root mantra]. Having located Vijayā, in the [red] colour of the bandhūka flower, on the southern petal; Ajitā, in the colour of pure gold, on the western petal; and Aparājitā, in the colour of a mass of ‘divided’ collyrium (black), on the northern petal; he should worship them in due order.[17]

The preceptor/guru should decorate the outside of the maṇḍala with,

vv. 33-35

. . . flowers, perfumes and edible gifts of good quality . . . [and] with banners, and [the site should be] adorned with wreaths and garlands; illuminated on all sides by burning lamps place in the [main] directions of the sky; it [the site] is also provided with various delicacies and drinks . . . and with fruits of various kinds arranged at the sides; and with pots filled with water place in the ten directions of the sky.

The final stages of the initiation go as follows:

vv. 36-38, v. 43, vv. 49-50

. . . having sprinkled the candidates with water, he [the preceptor] cleanses their faces saying the Sāvitrī [a mantra]; after they have been adorned with a garment, he should place flowers, muttering the particular bījas [of the five Deities], in both hands of each candidate. Departing from Jayā['s direction, i.e. the east], the excellent preceptor should cause māyā to enter into the maṇḍala.[18] Having caused the candidate – or two, three, four or five of them – to enter that maṇḍala, he should then perform the fire ceremony outside the maṇḍala to the West . . . [a description of how to set up the fireplace ensues] . . . Thereafter, the wise man should execute the fire sacrifices with [clarified] butter in accordance with the rules. Having performed that sacrifice, reciting the particular bījas, he should proceed to the candidates initiation . . . [a description of the esoteric rituals concerning initiation are then described, at the end] . . . Then the eminent practiser should consume the remains of the offering, [muttering] his particular vidyā; in this way the Goddesses will be please. The remainder [of the offerings] may be thrown into water. His teacher [the preceptor/guru] he [the initiate] should worship with devotion, with all his possessions or with bowings and gifts in accordance with his means, or with anything which the guru is satisfied.

The most significant modification we have made is in the location of the maṇḍala. As v. 25 states, the maṇḍala should be designed in a "solitary place." Obviously, the inner courtyard of a royal shrine complex is not solitary. Also, we have not modeled many of the above actions, but rather just the initiates entering the maṇḍala and circumambulating it. The VŚT is hardly over, there are many more rituals described in the remaining 345 verses, however we chose this particular ceremony as it was the most visually appealing.

2.2. Brahmanical Rituals in the Outer Courtyard

The outer courtyard would have been reserved for lower, non-Śaivite rituals for the common people. Undoubtedly, this would be a mix of brahmanism, imported from India, and the local Cambodian forms that previously existed. Alexis Sanderson refers to this form of religion as "Khmer subsidiary brahmanism," and he has identified dozens of inscriptions from both the pre-Angkor and Angkor period which support the existence of this state sponsored, brahmanical activity.[19] Below is a short list of pre-Angkorean inscriptions that demonstrate the pervasiveness of this subsidiary brahmanism:

Inscription	Date	Place of Origin	Ruler
K. 5, v. 9	5th c. ce	Prasat Pram Loven	unknown, from Funan Period
	Refers to brahmin officiants who are learned in the Vedas, Vedāṅgas, and Upavedas.[20]
K. 438	616/7 ce	Sambor Prei Kuk	Īśānavarman I
	Records the marriage of Durgasvāmin, a brahmin from the Deccan Plateau in India, to the daughter of Īśānavarman.[21]
K. 53, v. 6	667 ce	Kdei An	Bhavavarman I
	"Those two ministers of that [king Bhavavarman], valued by the virtuous and appreciative of his favour, were so expert in the Dharmaśāstra and the Arthaśāstra respectively that it was as if they were themselves the very embodiments of Dharma and Artha."[22]
K. 53, v. 23	667 ce	Kdei An	Bhavavarman I
	"He has satisfied the gods through his worship of Śiva, the sages through his recitation of sacred texts, and the ancestors [pitṛtarpaṇam ] through libations of water poured from the hands of a virtuous son."[23]
K. 359, v. 3-4	7th c. ce	Val Kantel	unknown
	Mentions that a brahmin donated copies of the Mahābhārata , the Rāmāyaṇa , and a Purāṇa to a Śaivite temple. These texts were to be recited every day.[24]
K. 725. v. 5	7th c. ce	Tan Kran	Jayavarman I
	"Here there was a learned brahmin called Dharmasvāmin, who had mastered the Vedas and their ancillaries."[25]

Clearly, brahmanism held an important place in Khmer society. In later inscriptions from the late ninth c. ce through the 11^th century ce , Sanderson finds poetic exaggeration in the "frequent references in the Khmer Sanskrit inscriptions to their kings blocking out the light of the sun with the smoke of their countless sacrifices."[26] The brahmanical fire sacrifice served both transcendent and mundane ends. They were the prime method of engaging with the gods in a reciprocal relationship, but they also were the expressive acts that both created and solidified the social structure. As the above pre-Angkor inscriptions indicate, there were brahmins in Khmer society with the full range of knowledge of the Vedas, the Upaniṣads, the Dharmaśāstras, the Mahābhārata, the Rāmāyaṇa, and certain Purāṇas. Thus, the full range of brahmanical ritual would be available to Khmer society.

2.2.1. Brahmanical fire-sacrifices

In modeling the brahmanical fire sacrifices, we chose to keep it very simple for two related reasons. (1) As has been true throughout the modeling of the intangible heritage, the evidence available presents only a broad outline of the rituals performed. (2) The nature of inclusivist Śaivism would encourage the inclusion of local variations on the general themes of the texts. Thus, while it is certain that fire sacrifices were performed, the actual performance is not available to us. In the outer courtyard, then, the visitor can witness a brahmin priest and attendants stand around the fire with their hands folded. Smoke rises from the fire from the clarified butter, or ghee, poured into it, and chanting is heard in the background. Ideally, we would show the priestly activity of pouring the oblations into the fire, but this kind of detail was not possible in this iteration of the model.

2.2.2. Ritual bathing

Finally, a common pre-ritual action was bathing the body.[27] The site plan has a large pool in the northeast corner, a particularly auspicious direction in ancient Cambodia,[28] which would have served in this capacity. As with the fire sacrifices, the bathing sequences modeled are very simple. We chose to show various avatars in stages of submersion in the water. With more time and funding for the project, these two rituals could be enhanced.

2.3. Activities Outside the Sacred Enclosure: The Market

The mundane, non-ritual activities would occur outside the sacred enclosure, but surely would be close to the temple complex. The descriptions of the market for the model were taken from the text of early fourteenth century Chinese traveler Zhou Daguan.[29] Once again, the now familiar temporal displacement comes into play: these descriptions are over seven centuries later than the period we modeled.

The dress of the people:

From the king down, the men and women all wear their hair wound up in a knot, and go naked to the waist, wrapped only in a cloth. When they are out and about they wind a larger piece of cloth over the small one.[30]

The actual marketplace:

The local people who know how to trade are all women . . . There is a market every day from around six in the morning until midday. There are no stalls, only a kind of tumbleweed mat laid out on the ground, each mat in its usual place . . . Small market transactions are paid for with rice or other grain and Chinese goods. The ones next up in size are paid for with cloth. Large transactions are done with gold and silver.[31]

The flora:

All they have in common with China are pomegranates, sugarcane, lotus flowers, lotus roots, Chinese gooseberries, and bananas. Their lychees and oranges are the same shape as ours . . . their grasses and flowers are fragrant and beautiful and more plentiful than ours . . . there are silk cotton trees higher than a room.[32]

Vegetables in the Market:

For vegetables they have onions, mustard, chives, eggplants, watermelons, winter gourds, snake gourds, and amaranth.[33]